Repsol

InfluenceMap Score
D+
Performance Band
53%
Organisation Score
51%
Relationship Score
Sector:
Energy
Head​quarters:
Madrid, Spain
Brands and Associated Companies:
Petronor
Official Web Site:
Wikipedia:

Climate Lobbying Overview: Repsol appears to show mixed support for progressive policy to respond to climate change. Although its top-line messaging is broadly supportive of the need to reduce emissions and it has stated support for the Paris Agreement and EU Green Deal, Repsol has shown mixed support for specific climate regulations and policies, repeatedly advocating for a ‘technological neutral’ approach. Repsol does not appear to be fully supporting a transition away from fossil fuels in line with IPCC guidelines; although it has advocated for switching from coal to natural gas in the energy mix, it appears to view natural gas as a long-term energy source rather than as a transition fuel.

Top-line Messaging on Climate Policy: Repsol appears broadly supportive of the need for climate policy in its top-line messaging. In its 2021 sustainability plan, Repsol has stated support for the need to reduce GHG emissions in order to limit global temperature increase to 2°C, and in May 2020, Repsol appeared to support the EU Green Deal target of reaching climate neutrality by 2050 in a list of policy recommendations to the EU. Also in its 2021 sustainability plan, the company stated that it supported ‘global carbon pricing’ policies while in June 2019, CEO Josu Imaz called for governments to set “economically meaningful” carbon pricing policies, including carbon tax and emissions trading, in a joint statement. On its corporate website in 2021, Repsol stated that it would ‘support and lobby for effective measures across all areas of public policy that aim to mitigate climate change risks and share the ambition to limit temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius. However, this appears to contradict evidence from July 2019, where in an op-ed, Chairman Antonio Brufau criticized the “demonisation of fossil fuels” and warned that climate change regulation could damage the EU’s industrial competitiveness.

Engagement with Climate-Related Regulations: Repsol appears to lobby largely negative positions on specific climate-related policies. In November 2021, Repsol submitted consultation responses on varies policies that are included in the ‘Fit for 55 Package’. Firstly, in Repsol’s response to the EU consultation on the EU ETS amendments in November 2021, Repsol stated that it supported the more ambitious interim 2030 GHG reduction target of 55%. However, on specific policies included in the package, Repsol’s position is more negative. On the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), Repsol appeared to support the policy but advocated for the continuation of existing carbon leakage protection measures under the EU ETS for an undefined period of time but acknowledging that allowances could be phased out once the CBAM had proved its effectiveness. Similarly, in its response to the consultation on the EU ETS update, Repsol stated that it did not support the cross-sectoral correction factor and again advocated for free allowances to not be reduced, stating that ‘unrealistic’ tightening of benchmarks will increase the risk of carbon leakage. In comments on the Energy Efficiency Directive (EED), Repsol appeared to not support the exclusion of fossil fuels in meeting EED obligations while also appearing to not support binding targets for energy use reductions within the policy. While on the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) reforms, it advocated for a technological neutral approach and suggested that recycled carbon fuels to be allowed for compliance in the policy, a mechanism that may provide a backdoor for fossil fuels to be included in the policy.

Away from the Fit For 55 Package however, in August 2020, Repsol appeared to support the direct regulation of methane emissions as part of the EU methane strategy, and appears to support the strategy through its 2021 CDP response. On the decarbonisation of transport, Repsol submitted a EU consultation response in February 2021 on the revision of performance standards for cars and vans, where it appeared to support a later 2040 EU phase out date compared to the proposed 2035 date, as well as appearing to support a technology neutral approach to decarbonizing road transport while supporting the inclusion of ICE vehicles using biofuels and CCS fuels as "zero-emission vehicles".

Positioning on Energy Transition: Repsol appears to be supporting the continued role of fossil gas in the future energy mix. In top-line statements, Repsol has communicated support for a transition to a low-carbon energy mix. Nevertheless, in Repsol's 2020 climate change roadmap, Repsol appeared to support a long-term role for gas in the energy mix without clear conditions related to the use of carbon capture and storage as a means to abate CO2 emissions. On policies related to the transition of the energy mix Repsol appears to be advocating for mechanisms that favour fossil fuels. It appeared to support the EU’s taxonomy in a November 2021 consultation response but however advocated for a technology neutral approach while also supporting the inclusion of low carbon production pathways for hydrogen. In a consultation response on the EU’s Energy Taxation Directive in the same month, it advocated for a lower tax rate on low carbon fuels while also appearing to support a longer transitional period for fossil fuels. In March 2021, Repsol responded to the EU’s Hydrogen and Gas Decarbonization Package, in which it appeared to support the policy however, at the same time, also appeared to support the continued role for natural gas in the energy mix, citing the emission reductions in coal to gas switching as well as energy affordability and energy security.

Industry Association Governance: In 2021, Repsol released a progress update based on its previous association review, in which it details its criterium for assessing any misalignment with industry associations on climate policy. However, Repsol only disclosed details of its influence within associations it found to be ‘partially aligned’, with no details given on memberships it has found to be ‘aligned’ and only lists these memberships. Repsol outlined its on-going engagement one ‘partially aligned’ association, The American Petroleum Institute. Repsol did not state what it had found to be misaligned with the API on, and neither did it put the API on a time-bound review to improve its position despite also finding misalignment with the API in its previous 2020 industry association review. Repsol also holds memberships with other associations that traditionally lobby negatively on climate policy such as the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, BusinessEurope and FuelsEurope.

QUERIES
DATA SOURCES
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Strength of Relationship
STRONG
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
WEAK
 
48%
 
48%
 
57%
 
57%
 
35%
 
35%
 
53%
 
53%
 
67%
 
67%
 
42%
 
42%
 
60%
 
60%
 
34%
 
34%
 
50%
 
50%
 
41%
 
41%
 
87%
 
87%
 
54%
 
54%
 
36%
 
36%
 
68%
 
68%
 
49%
 
49%
 
67%
 
67%
 
23%
 
23%
 
40%
 
40%
 
63%
 
63%
 
45%
 
45%

How to Read our Relationship Score Map

In this section, we depict graphically the relationships the corporation has with trade associations, federations, advocacy groups and other third parties who may be acting on their behalf to influence climate change policy. Each of the columns above represents one relationship the corporation appears to have with such a third party. In these columns, the top, dark section represents the strength of the relationship the corporation has with the influencer. For example if a corporation's senior executive also held a key role in the trade association, we would deem this to be a strong relationship and it would be on the far left of the chart above, with the weaker ones to the right. Click on these grey shaded upper sections for details of these relationships. The middle section contains a link to the organization score details of the influencer concerned, so you can see the details of its climate change policy influence. Click on the middle sections for for details of the trade associations. The lower section contains the organization score of that influencer, the lower the more negatively it is influencing climate policy.